Friday, February 14, 2014

Breakdown of Global Slavery Index Methodology


                As I will be using the methodology of the Walk Free Foundation’s Global Slavery Index (GSI) as a guide to developing a human trafficking risk index at the provincial level for Kazakhstan, I will go through and explain the GSI methodology, and point out possible corollaries that I could use within my own methodology. Moreover, I will need to continually updating and revising it to reflect data availability and applicability. Part of the goal of this post is to obtain feedback on the usefulness/accuracy of suggested indicators, and to seek assistance in locating sources of relevant data that I have overlooked, so please comment with any suggestions.
                The GSI establishes a level of risk by country based on 33 quantitative indicators divided across five general dimensions: slavery policy, human rights, development, state stability, and women’s rights and discrimination. I will go through each and expand on their indicators, with an eye to how I could  apply the same or similar within my own methodology. Key to my ability to incorporate an indicator is the likelihood that it varies across the Kazakh provinces, national policies that generally affect each province equally is unlikely to provide any useful insight into the difference in risk between provinces. Additionally, I must be able to obtain data on that indicator at the provincial level, either through publicly available sources or through direct request from the Kazakh or local provincial governments.
                Slavery Policy is composed of the seven indicator variables: prevention, prosecution, protection, law enforcement training, migration regulation, monitoring of labor practices, and parallel legal system. Prosecution, protection and prevention are based on a scale developed in Cho, Dreher, & Neumeyer’s “The Determinants of Anti-trafficking Policies - Evidence from a New Index” (2012).[1] Prosecution measures “whether the country has legislative and other measures to establish criminal offences for trafficking in persons, in line with the definition provided by the (UN) Anti-trafficking Protocol; whether such legislative and other measures are appropriately and effectively enforced.” Protection measures “whether the country protects the human rights of victims of trafficking; identifies them; and provides for the physical, psychological and social recovery of victims of trafficking by legislative and other measures.” Prevention measures whether the country establishes and practices comprehensive policies, programs and other measures to prevent and combat trafficking in persons.” Kazakh provincial data replicating these measures is not readily available. However, through both qualitative research into the Kazakh legal system regarding human trafficking (of particular significance will be whether trafficking is prosecuted at the federal or provincial level, if at all), a simplified version may be adaptable to my methodology.
                The next three within Slavery Policy are law enforcement training, migration regulation to limit trafficking, and the monitoring of labor practices, which are based on the US Dept. of State’s “Trafficking in Persons Report 2013”.[2] Law enforcement training in human trafficking and the monitoring of labor practices may differ significantly between provinces, and could be obtainable by request through the provincial governments. While migration regulations specifically is more federal policy and unlikely to differ by province, information on the number of migrants by province could prove useful and also could be possible to obtain through request.
                The final variable within Slavery Policy is the existence of a parallel legal system that endangers the rights of minorities, based on the “World Factbook” published by the Central Intelligence Agency.[3] As with migration policy, the legal system is unlikely to differ significantly between provinces, but further research may reveal otherwise.
                Human Rights is composed of seven more indicators: access to legal and property rights, civil liberties, political rights, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, and worker’s rights. Access to legal and property rights is based on the “International Property Rights Index” published by the Property Rights Alliance.[4] The civil liberties and political rights variables are from the Freedom House rankings.[5] The three freedom and the worker’s rights variables vary based on the protection of each as measured by the “Human Rights Data Project” by CIRI.[6] All of these measures are generally federal in nature and while the enforcement of federal law may differ significantly across the provinces, it will be difficult to capture through publicly accessible data and unlikely to be monitored by the provinces. It could be possible through qualitative sources such as LexisNexis to get an idea on where violations of political and worker rights have occurred based on media reports.
                Development consists of nine indicators: access to financial services, cell phone users, credit information, international debt, internet activity, GDP per capita in terms of purchasing power parity (GDP-PPP), the Human Development Index (HDI), literacy, and social safety net. The first six are all based on World Bank measures.[7] The HDI comes from the dataset compiled by the UN Development Programme.[8] Literacy is a scale based on data from the CIA’s “World Factbook”. Finally, social safety net scores are measured by the International Labor Organization.[9] All of these variables differ between provinces in Kazakhstan, yet not all will likely be accessible. The Kazakh government provides both internet activity and literacy by province. GDP-PPP is not available, however basic income data is, which should be an adequate replacement. Access to financial services and cell phone users may be accessible via a request to the federal or provincial governments. Credit information and HDI would likely be difficult to accurately measure by province, and international debt and social safety net are federal measures that are unlikely to differ significantly by province.
                State Stability is composed of seven variables: corruption, governance, independence of judiciary, peace index, weapons access, political instability, and violent crime. Corruption varies from highly corrupt to clean based on Transparency International’s “Corruption Perceptions Index”.[10] Governance ranges from weak to strong based on the World Bank’s “Governance Indicators.”[11] Independence of judiciary scores are again from the “Human Rights Data Project” by CIRI. Provided by the Vision of Humanity’s “Global Peace Index”, both the peace index ranges from most to least peaceful, and weapons access from low to high access).[12] Political instability varies from no to high vulnerability as measured by The Economist Intelligence Unit’s “Political Instability Index”.[13] The last, violent crime, measures the homicide rate per 100,000 population as compiled by the UN Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC).[14] All of these indicators could provide important differentiation between provinces, yet only crime is readily available at the provincial level. Of the remaining six, independence of judiciary, the peace index, weapons access and political instability would probably be very difficult to obtain and may not differ significantly across provinces. Corruption and governance will also be difficult to obtain, but could be very valuable as they likely differ considerably across provinces and both have a strong influence on the prevalence of human trafficking. I will continue to look for additional sources of data for both. Additionally, the UNODC’s “Drugs Monitoring” platform provides information on drug trafficking seizures by province that could be a valuable indicator of state capability and reach.[15]
                The final dimension, Women’s Rights and Discrimination, contains the Gini coefficient, women’s economic rights, and women’s political rights. The Gini coefficient measures income inequality as reported by the World Bank.[16] Women’s economic and political rights are scored from no rights to nearly all, again from the “Human Rights Data Project” by CIRI. Of these three the Gini coefficient is readily available by province. Both measures of women’s rights would be valuable, but none of the data I have been able to find at the provincial level differentiates between men and women, but perhaps through a direct request to the Kazakh statistics agency.



[1] http://www.economics-human-trafficking.org/data-and-reports.html
[2] http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2013/
[3] https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/
[4] http://www.internationalpropertyrightsindex.org/
[5] http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2013#.Uv0ZvtxdXIc
[6] http://www.humanrightsdata.org/
[8] http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/hdi
[9] http://www.ilo.org/global/research/global-reports/world-social-security-report/lang--en/index.htm
[10] http://www.transparency.org/cpi2012/results#myAnchor1
[11] http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/worldwide-gove
[12] http://www.visionofhumanity.org/#/page/about-gpi
[13] http://viewswire.eiu.com/site_info.asp?info_name=social_unrest_table&page=noads
[14] http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/data-and-analysis/homicide.html
[15] http://drugsmonitoring.unodc-roca.org/
[16] http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SI.POV.GINI

Saturday, February 1, 2014

An Introduction to Human Trafficking in Central Asia, and the Global Slavery Index


An Introduction to Human Trafficking in Central Asia, and the Global Slavery Index

A definition of human trafficking from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC):
“the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.”

In 2012, the International Organization on Migration provided statistics in their annual report on human trafficking globally (IOM, 2013):
“IOM has globally provided assistance to individual trafficked persons on 6,394 occasions in
2012. Most of these persons (77%) are adults aged 18 and over, whereas the rest (23%) were minors. Over half (55%) of these individuals are female, and less than half are males (45%). Over two fifths of Individuals have been assisted by IOM after having been trafficked for the purpose of forced labor (43%), over a fifth for domestic servitude (22%), under a fifth after sexual exploitation (19%), a tenth for other or unknown reasons (10%), and less than 3% each for begging (2.6%), combined labor and sexual exploitation (2.3%), and low level criminal activity (.9%). In 2012, individuals were mostly trafficked across borders (73%), but over a fourth also experienced internal trafficking (27%).”

Contemporary numbers on trafficking victims can vary widely due to the underground nature of the phenomena, a lack of cooperation from many source and destination states, and difficulties in locating and contacting victims. The International Labor Organization estimates that 20.9 million people worldwide are victims of trafficking as of 2012,[1] with the State Department citing up to 27 million per year (USD 2013). Other governmental organizations such as the UNODC rarely state worldwide numbers. Specific to Central Asia, number estimates are even harder to come by. The Regional Central Asia Conference in 2006, organized jointly by the OSCE and Republic of Kazakhstan, cited estimates “that about 5,000 victims are trafficked annually from Kazakhstan, between 3,000 and 4,000 victims are trafficked from the Kyrgyz Republic, and between 1,000 and 2,000 women are trafficked annually from Tajikistan to foreign countries” (OSCE 2006).

Sulaimanova and Jackson discuss the lack of data in Central Asia concerning sex trafficking.  There are several likely causes: “in Central Asia, the trafficking of women is a new phenomenon” (Sulaimanova, 2004), “prior to 1991, there were virtually no reported cases of trafficking in women from the former Soviet republics to the West” (Sulaimanova, 2006) and “until recently, both governments and societies in Central Asia preferred to ignore the issue. In the predominantly Muslim societies of the region, it is almost taboo to openly discuss the trafficking of women for prostitution” (Jackson 2006).

The Walk Free Foundation has taken a significant step in rectifying the dearth of data on human trafficking with their recently released Global Slavery Index.[2] Beyond simply human trafficking, the foundation broadly includes slavery, as referring “to the condition of treating another person as if they were property – something to be bought, sold, traded or even destroyed.” The index provides a view of ‘modern slavery’ across the globe by ranking 162 countries based on three primary factors: the estimated portion of the population victimized by modern slavery within a country, the number of child marriages, and the level of human trafficking in and out of a country. These rankings are designed to indicate the estimated prevalence of modern slavery in each country, a snapshot of the estimated population currently enslaved. Data for the index was obtained from various sources. To generate the slavery estimate by country, both secondary sources were used, such as governmental and NGO reports, or media reporting, and representative random sample surveys conducted in a small number of countries. Data from these limited surveys was then extrapolated to neighboring countries without survey data. How appropriate this methodology was is questionable, additional information should be provided on the guidelines used to gauge the level of accuracy such extrapolation would likely achieve. Finally, child marriage numbers were obtained from UNICEF, and the level of human trafficking in and out of the country from the US State Department’s ‘Trafficking in Persons’ report.

Sources:
IOM. 2013. IOM 2012 Case Data on Human Trafficking: Global Figures and Trends. Geneva: International Organization for Migration.
Jackson, Nicole J. 2006. "The Trafficking of Narcotics, Arms and Humans in Post-Soviet Central Asia: (Mis)perceptions, Policies and Realities." Central Asian Survey 39-52.
OSCE. 2006. "Trafficking in Persons in Central Asia: The Scope of the Problem and the Appropriate Responses." Regional Central Asia Conference “Combating Trafficking in Human Beings – Regional Response”. Astana: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.
Sulaimanova, Saltanat. 2004. "Migration Trends in Central Asia and the Case of Trafficking of Women." In In the Tracks of Tamerlane: Central Asia's Path to the 21st Century, by eds. Dan Burghart and Theresa Sabonis-Helf, 377-400. Washington, DC: National Defense University.
Sulaimanova, Saltanat. 2006. "Trafficking in Women from the Former Soviet Union for the Purposes of Sexual Exploitation." In Trafficking and the Global Sex Industry, by eds. Karen Beeks and Delila Amir, 61-76. Oxford: Lexington Books.
UNODC. 2012. Global Report on Trafficking in Persons. Vienna: United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.
USD. 2013. Trafficking in Persons Report. Washington, DC: US State Department.


Tuesday, November 19, 2013

BBC Faramework and Iran News











BBC Framework in General:

The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) is an independent news corporation responsible for the gathering and broadcasting of news and current affairs. The department is one of the world's largest broadcast news organizations and generates hours of radio and television output each day, as well as online news coverage. The website contains international news coverage, as well as British, entertainment, science, and political news. Many reports are accompanied by audio and video from the BBC's television and radio news services, while the latest TV and radio bulletins are also available to view or listen to on the site together with other current programs.
The service maintains 44 foreign news bureaus and has correspondents in almost every country. Within the BBC construction, the term “correspondent” is referred to a journalist or commentator in an area of specialty who contributes reports to this news agency to be appeared on radio, television news or BBC News Online or it refers to another type of company, a foreign correspondent , from a remote, often distant, location stationed in a foreign country.
Depending on unfavorable situations to the ruling governments, BBC news reporters and broadcasts are now or have been banned in several countries; and, Iran isn’t an exception of this category. Even though BBC news online and BBC television are currently banned from broadcasting in Iran, BBC still has a correspondent in Tehran who observes and monitors news stories.

Source of News:

The BBC is required by its royal charter to be free from both political and commercial influence and to report news stories impartially; and, the BBC's Editorial Guidelines on Politics and Public Policy state that while "the voices and opinions of opposition parties must be routinely aired and challenged", "the government of the day will often be the primary source of news" (from "Editorial Guidelines Extracts", BBC)

It is also said that “
BBC Monitoring”, with an increasing number of international offices in Europe, Russia, the Caucasus, Central Asia, South Asia, the Middle East and Africa, provides open source news and information to a range of clients, including in government, academia and the media, based on its continuous (round the clock) monitoring of TV, radio, press, internet and news agency sources worldwide and then translates the reports into English from more than 100 languages. This service believes that it focuses on “the words as spoken" - accurate and impartial translations of what happened, plus understanding how the media reported an event.

Having the above brief framework of BBC in mind and a general consideration of those news stories from Iran related to presidential election of 2013 covered by BBC News Online showed that BBC News Online doesn’t usually mention from which news agency inside or outside of Iran, the stories are reported or translated. It doesn’t also cite the name of the reporters or commentators on news.
Based on this observation, the assumption of that BBC may translate all or a remarkable part of its news coverage from inside Iran’s news agencies is denied because it cannot be said clearly that if BBC publishes a specific piece of news from what its reporters’ or correspondents’ observe or if it publishes the news stories based on a translation from Farsi; and to what extent it may be a combination of both.
In continue, the same is considered on CNN and Aljazeera News coverage on Iran presidential election 2013; afterwards, the interpretation and the reflection of this specific event on these three media will be focused.  

Friday, November 15, 2013

Rapid Adoption of Emergent Norms

The global economic depression that developed following World War I challenged the intent of the League of Nations. Given the desperations, anxieties, and frustrations (especially in Europe), the potential for conflict was inevitable if examined retrospectively.  Following the conclusion of the Great War, many nations turned their focus internally and adopted an isolationist stance.  Moral and governmental reform, such Prohibition in the United States and Communism in Russia, indicated a philosophical approach designed for societal benefit.  However, these reforms were not universal within the community of nations at large.  Furthermore, this isolationist stance undermined the capabilities of international relief organizations to provide a stabilizing effect, which had an unfortunate consequence of amplifying existing angst.

The drums of war once again sounded in Europe with Germany’s aggression against her neighbors.  Soon, annexation and invasion became commonplace, but true horror manifested with genocide.  The international community was perplexed by this conduct – and this shock prevented any action beyond international condemnation.  However, once Germany was defeated in combat, the international community reevaluated its position and convicted participants and antagonists of the “Final Solution” with Crimes against Humanity.  Although crimes against humanity had been discussed before, the importance of the Nuremberg Trials has been underestimated in importance of shifting an international norm.

One might argue that the Nuremberg Trials were an extension of the surrender of Germany.  That oversimplification is possible, given the military nature of conduct as well as the nature of accusations.  However, a deeper exploration exposes the international cooperation that underwrote the legitimacy of this prosecution.  An international sense of justice (outside of armed conflict) was transitioning from concept to codification.  As further evidence of this codification, the international community proposed and endorsed the following instruments:
  • The Genocide Convention of 1948; 
  • The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948;
  • The Nuremberg Principles of 1950 (Officially qualifies War Crimes);
  • The Convention on the Abolition of the Statute of Limitations on War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity in 1968; and 
  • The Geneva Convention on the Laws and Customs of War first adopted in 1949 and updated with supplementary protocols in 1977.

 The rapid adoption of these protocols, resolutions, and conventions indicates two possible rationales.  First, the collective guilt of inaction during the genocide of World War II suggests that a mechanism of prevention required international agreement.  Second (and more simplistic) – that the overall tone and norm of the global population had shifted to amplified awareness and a willingness to hold each other accountable.  Granted, this instruments of accountability, as well as ways, were far from solidified – this approach demonstrates that notions of sovereignty were being challenged.  Additionally, a degree of responsibility was beginning to collectively be imposed on protecting civilians from atrocities.




Monday, November 4, 2013

IRAN DAILY, A Direct English Translation of IRAN in Farsi?

Following the research on Iranian newspapers and considering if the English IRAN DAILY is the translation of IRAN from Farsi, what comes hereafter is the result of first analysis which has been done so far:

All the pieces of news, reports and analyses about the 2013 presidential election printed on IRAN newspaper in Farsi and IRAN DAILY in English are considered and compared. The data pieces are retrieved from the archives of these two papers available online and on their website. The pieces of news and reports are all related to a specific period of time, i.e. 10 days, from 7 days before election to 3 days after that. Then, through a day-to-day comparison of headings and body of the news and the reports in both Farsi and English, the process of translation, if any, is considered.


A.      IRAN Newspaper and 2013 Presidential Election

IRAN newspaper is the Farsi newspaper published in Iran in 32 pages and covers all aspects of society including politics, social affairs, economics, culture, sport, cinema, art, etc. Each page is devoted to one of the above aspects and on each page various sections are appeared. Although the front page structure differs from one issue to another based on the amount and also the importance of news and reports, the general format of the front page is a combination of large, bold headings and small headings usually in black in addition to a part or the whole part of the body of news pieces. On most of the issues, there’s no large image related to a specific report and there are only small images appeared beside each frame, most of which are from special figures the heading or the quote is related. It seems that the headings are usually picked up from the quotes of important figures of the society. On page 2 and 3, the detailed political issues are appeared and during some days before the presidential election, a special page called “Toward the Epic” was added to the paper on page 29, in which the news, reports, analyses and opinions about the election were covered. All the pieces of news and reports related to the election were printed on the front page, page 2, 3 and 29. After the election, the page “Toward the Epic” was removed and for two days, another page called “Image Frame” was added to the paper on which the images from the election and people turnout in different sizes were put together.
IRAN newspaper is not published on Fridays as it is the weekend in Iran; therefore, on the day of the election that was on Friday, 14 June 2013, no issue was published.

Sources of Data, the Election Issues Mostly Covered and its Orientation

In analyzing ten issues of IRAN newspaper, published before and after the presidential election, it was noticed that most of news pieces or reports related to the election are derived from Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA), Raja News, Jahan News and in some cases from Fars News. On those pieces which were directly reported by IRAN, there was no name of the author or reporter and it was mentioned at the top of each piece, that it was produce, for example, by the paper politic group.
The analysis of ten issues generally demonstrated that IRAN newspaper has not covered the subject of the election very hot and in detailed. On the issues before the election, most of the news and reports concentrated on encouraging and advising people to participate in polls, mostly from the outstanding figures of the government and religious leaders; that is completely usual and it is considered as a method of unity in the society between the government and people in the life of Islamic republic. Although IRAN newspaper had tried to cover the election process, the debates, the campaigns, the candidates’ plans and objectives in an all-aspect real neutral way, it seemed that in most of news pieces, it was affected by the current government. It had referred to most of the candidates criticisms against the current government as being unfair and not appreciated. The number of news related to the reformist was much less than those related to conservatives and fundamentalist, and it could be seen that those issues related to the reformist candidates were not only highlighted but also were printed on the bottom corners of the pages.
On the issues after the election, although the election itself was considered as a unique event among Iranians and also outside the borders of Iran, IRAN newspaper had not reflected so much surprising happiness about the result of the election and the victory of reformists through headings, news bodies and even images. The major news sections were circled around praising people who participated in polls and created the political epic and some congratulation messages from government figures and religious leaders.
 

B.      IRAN DAILY Newspaper and 2013 Presidential Election

IRAN DAILY is the English newspaper published in Iran mostly for foreign speakers. It is in 12 pages and covers all the aspect of society in the areas of politics, culture, art, economics, and science in two parts of domestic news and foreign news. It is much more colorful than IRAN in Farsi. IRAN DAILY general structure seems more systematic than IRAN in Farsi and in all the issues considered for this study, the structural frame was the same. On Front page, the headings related to the most important issues and in some cases a part of the news are also appeared, the important headings are larger than the others and the images related to highlighted news are printed in large size too. The important headings related to the presidential election were printed on the front page and the whole details had come on page 2 and 3 under the National section.

Sources of Data, the Election Issues Mostly Covered and its Orientation

After studying all the sections reported by IRAN DAILY in English on ten issues related to before and after election, it was obvious that the major source of news was Press TV which is an English media inside Iran. There were also some citations from IRNA, ISNA and Fars news within the body of the news. On most news sections, the name of author, reporter or translator was not mentioned. It seemed that there were no clues of translation process except for the specific quotes from people. All the news parts were in a clear and systematic way which was easy to find what is looked for.
On the issues before the election, the election and all the noticeable events related to that including the candidates’ plans, debates, campaigns, etc were covered in a neutral opinion and without any orientation to any political party. The headlines were usually bold and large and highlighted the most important part; and, beside the important sections, an attractive image was attached. There was also a column on left hand of page 2, on which the most important plans, objectives and/or quotes from candidates were highlighted and this section devoted at least one part to each candidate. The order of presenting news from each candidate was from top to down and the order based on the candidates’ names fairly varied in each issue.
On the issues after the election also, the results of the election, the percentages of votes from the highest to the lowest, the images of the candidates with a large heading stated the victory of Rouhani as the president of Iran in the first pace were reflected. They also contained numerous congratulation messages to the future president and special thanks to Iranian people who created the year political epic.


C.      Is IRAN DAILY a Direct English Translation of IRAN in Farsi?

Reading through all the news sections related to the presidential election and a one-to-one comparison of headings and bodies of news pieces in IRAN with the English version on IRAN DAILY, shows that English pieces of news in IRAN DAILY are not a translation from the Farsi version of IRAN and each piece of news is derived from a report by a reporter or from English news agencies like press TV. Through comparing both English and Persian issues on the same day, it was cleared not only the headings are not the same, but also each of these newspapers took different topics into account and had different reflections on each topic.
Although the English version was shorter in length, it covered more issues in the format of news and not political opinions.