There Is No Such Thing As Society

 "There is no such thing as society" -- former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher  (Picture: AP/Wikipedia)

 
“Society was not an abstraction, separate from the men and women who composed it, but a living structure of individuals, families, neighbours (sic) and voluntary associations.“  
                                   Margaret Thatcher from “The Downing Street Years”

          Individuals play an important part in politics and international relations that is often overlooked in favor of systemic theories. The notion that great men (and women) can singularly change the world is a controversial topic in political science. Systemic theories within political science and international relations seem to be favored over psychological explanations. However, understanding individual motivation can help to understand the actions of actors. Psychological and systemic theories are not exclusive of one another; rather psychology is another useful tool.

          System models such as Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism offer frameworks in which psychology only plays a peripheral role. Mainstream systemic theories of international relations have focused on state, structure, and system centric views of the world. Wendt's 1st level/micro level analysis (the individual) is often relegated to a secondary role of "cleaning up residual variance left unexplained" (See Wendt, Alexander), or discounted all together as an explicative force. Aggregate "big picture" analyses that focus on state actors cannot be regarded as complete without consideration of individual actors. These include for example, elements such as narrative, framing, behavior, context, perception, and motivation not only within collective groups but individuals as well. States and structures are not self-contained black boxes (See “International Relations”).

          Friedrich Hayek, for example, argued that “the most enduring social institutions are shaped by spontaneous evolution, rather than by intellectual design” (See Hayek, Friedrich). State-to-state relations are ultimately composed of individuals and as such need to be recognized as a distinct "level of analysis" (See Hagan, Joe). Understanding people and what drives them is an indispensable first step to the building of a framework that correctly interprets the complexities of politics and offers enhanced explanatory power. The needs and desires of the bottom of the economic and political pyramid often exert great power on social structures at the top, so too do the individual desires and motivations of people at the top who think and act outside the box. Systemic theories do not adequately account for either.

          Analyst often focus on group psychology and only giving passing consideration to the individual. Alexander George, Janice Stein and other prominent political psychologists in the field do not expound to a great degree on the role of individuals and the shaping power that they may wield. Stein broadly discusses how the choices of leaders acting alone "can have powerful effects on a system," and how single individuals may be highlighted by collective actions and group decisions to become the guardian figure of a state but then moves on (See Stein, Janice p 293-297). Using Stalin, Hitler as examples, Hagan illustrates how the "unfettered power of a single individual" could dominate foreign policy within the Soviet Union, Germany and other totalitarian states (See Hagan, Joe p27), and uses historical examples to illustrate specific instances of an individual changing the course of foreign policy, but like most analyses goes no further in analyzing the influence that individuals can bring to bear on the state and policy.

          Perhaps it would be useful to reconsider the "Great Man Theory". Prior to the 20th century the “Great Man Theory,” namely the idea that a single individual through skill, charisma, and strength of will could make a decisive impact on history had fallen out of favor. In fact, there is a substantial body of research that is linked to the significance of the individual. Max Weber’s seminal work on the sociology of charisma and creation of charismatic authority to Eric Hoffer’s conception of the “True Believer” and cults of personality are examples.

          Individuals are important. Individuals (as opposed to agencies or collective groups) can and have made great change on the shape of world politics and the international system. Human history is the aggregate story of countless numbers of individual human lives, every construct of society and politics is at its core a creation of individuals and groups. This obvious reality is sometimes lost in the shuffle of theories and approaches. The better our understanding of the individual and his motivations, the better our understanding of the world as it exists. In sum, more emphasis should be placed on the role individuals play in understanding international relations and domestic politics.



Sources:

“Great Man Theory.” (N.D.) Wikipedia. Retrieved April 21, 2013, from: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/great_man_theory

Hagan, Joe. 2001. Does Decision Making Matter? Systemic Assumptions vs. Historical Reality in International Relations Theory. International Studies Review, 3(2): p.6.

Frantz, Roger and Robert Leeson. “Hayek And Behavioral Economics”. New York: New York. Palgrave Macmillan. 2013

Hoffer, Eric. "The True Beleiver: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements". New York: New York. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. 2002.

“International Relations.” (N.D.) Wikipedia. Retrieved April 21, 2013, from: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/international_relations

Stein, Janice Gross. "Psychological Explanations of International Conflict". In Walter Carsnaes, Thomas Risse, and Beth Simmons (eds.) Handbook of International Relations. New York: Sage Publications,

Thatcher, Margaret. “The Downing Street Years”. New York: New York. Harper Collins. 1993

Wendt, Alexander. "Social Theory of International Politics". Cambridge: United Kingdom. Cambridge University Press. 1999.

The Boko Haram Amnesty Conundrum

File photo: Members of Boko Haram splinter group during a news conference in Maiduguri, recently where they insisted on a cease-fire. Photo: Vanguard Newspaper.

In a bid to end terror, the Nigerian President, Goodluck Jonathan may be on the verge of granting amnesty to the Boko Haram insurgent group at the behest of the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), who has recently met with him to discuss this sensitive issue (Viewpoint, 2013). Advocates of amnesty for Boko Haram are pointing to the Niger Delta precedent to justify this call, which is clearly symptomatic of the frustration of the governing elite in the face of a stalemated war that has no borders, or a specific target or a discernible, civilized objective. Other than the abolition of western education and the imposition of Sharia in the North, the group is not saying anything worthwhile; even these demands are as idiotic as they are unreasonable. How do we begin to turn back the clock of civilization because of a few misguided armed Marabouts?

Amnesty appears to be an easy way out of a crisis that appears to be turning gradually into a dilemma like is the case of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq where living with terror has become a way of life. It was once a virtual impossibility to imagine that Nigerians would be living with terror, but that is now a terrifying reality. The ruling elite have themselves to blame for this embarrassing war. It was stated, “There’s no shred of evidence that the Jonathan administration, despite its lackadaisical approach, is not doing its best in the fight against terrorism and other violent crimes”  (Viewpoint, 2013).

The escalation of violence of all types such as: armed robberies, kidnappings, ritual killings, domestic violence, and Facebook-related attacks and terrorism are a clear indication that its best efforts are not enough. It is time to look at other alternatives that have a different impact. How this insidious evil became a murderous terror machine, that it is today under our eyes, is a question the nation’s ruling elite is unable to answer; the option of a general amnesty may be a vivid testimony of the growing exasperation of the elite with an evil it created but could no longer controls.

Since the elimination of the leader, the group has splintered into different dangerous factions under faceless leaders with varying and conflicting agendas, but all united under the banner of political Sharia. Today, having developed into a well-funded international terror organization, we have no idea who controls which of its various tentacles, but one thing is certain, Boko Haram has managed to hook up with Al- Qaeda, in the Islamic Maghreb, AQIM, with dire implications for the security of the sub-Sahara, apart from Nigeria.

With Boko Haram so fragmented and dangerously polarized along ideological, theological and political divides, including some criminal elements here and there, it has become a loose cannon that threatens everybody but themselves (Viewpoint, 2013). Running an unprecedented violent campaign against internal rivals, previously the police for an alleged injustice and now against everyone in sight, Boko Haram is the biggest agent of destabilization in the country apart from corruption in high places.

Now, the argument for Boko Haram’s amnesty cannot stand on the logic of the one granted to the Niger Delta militants because both armed groups may have levied war against their country, Nigeria. Their individual motives and corporate objectives are as different as their tactics and targets. Boko Haram turned their guns against innocent worshippers mostly in churches, and a few mosques, bombed police and military targets and caused massive blood bathe through their reckless attacks on public buildings, residential districts, public and major business outlets, and industrial installations (Viewpoint, 2013).

Generally, Boko Haram is a vampire on the loose whose objective is not just to Islamize Nigeria, but to rid it totally of western influence. The group is now present in every part of Nigeria, getting set for a bloody campaign down South.

In contrast, the Niger Delta militants are environmental activists and armed campaigners for economic justice for the alienated people of the Delta region, whose lands have been destroyed by decades of oil exploration without any visible positive impact on the people’s welfare. The wild boys of Niger Delta never threatened those outside the realm of their agitation. They didn’t bring religious or tribal sentiments into their campaign or align with foreign terror groups to levy war against their own people to attain some mindless, esoteric objectives (Viewpoint, 2013).

Boko Haram and the Niger Delta militants are two of a kind but unique in their different colorations. It is known who the Delta militants are, but we don’t know the faces behind Boko Haram. This is why the government is unable to negotiate with them; nobody can justify an amnesty for a group that is not committed to dialogue. If Boko Haram’s body language speaks of peace, the Federal Government, tired of battle with the recalcitrant Islamic militants, would have no choice than to bring amnesty as bait on the table (Viewpoint, 2013). Amnesty is justifiable under an atmosphere during a carrot and stick situation, not when one side to the conflict is invisible, implacable and unwilling to accept anything but its own terms, which in the case of Boko Haram, cannot stand on any civilized logic (Viewpoint, 2013).

Nevertheless, if the northern leaders strongly believe amnesty is a way out at this stage, it is worth giving a try. However, beyond insisting on amnesty for the terror group, the NEF must give some form of assurance that it would actively participate in enforcing the peace we all expect.

Excerpts from ‘The Boko Haram Amnesty Conundrum’ by Rev. Chris Okotie ( a leading Nigerian televangelist and the pastor of the Household of God Church International Ministries, a Pentecostal congregation in Lagos)

"The Boko Haram Amnesty Conundrum." Viewpoint 20 Apr. 2013: n. pag. Web.

Globalization and Identity: "The Rise of the Network Society-The Information Age: Economy, Society, and Culture Volume I" by Manuel Castells - A Review

"The Rise of the Network Society" by Manuel Castells (Source: Amazon.com)

           Manuel Castells is an expert on the phenomenon of globalization and the impact of the information revolution on the global economy. He is also an enthusiastic “true believer” in a new and better world order resulting from evolution of human society based on global integration of capitalism with information technology. He details the new social and economic dynamics wrought by globalism and advances in communication technology that are now irrevocably changing society in his book “The Rise Of The Network Society,” the first book of his "The Information Age" trilogy.

          Castells examines the nature of finance in a globalized world presenting the idea that finance is fickle, profit driven, and knows no national loyalties. Finance is the Achilles heel of globalism and the global economy, specifically the fluid nature of capital in a networked world. Castells discusses the huge capital flows across borders, as occurred during the Asian Flu crisis in 1997, which many consider as the first global financial crisis of the new era of globalization. He suggests that the flow of capital across state borders is at the heart of the "new world order", and that such flows represent both opportunity and weakness. Castells observes that multinational corporations, in a world with open markets, are driven by the desire to search out low-cost producers and low-cost labor, with little if any loyalty to a "home country." If a state becomes unattractive to business and capital, business and capital will have a tendency to flow out of the country to find a friendlier home somewhere else in this networked world.

          The ripple effects of financial tsunamis diffuse throughout the world, very rapidly. Volatility and unpredictable side effects are an inherent risk in integrated, networked global financial systems, concentrated in time and space, which Castells describes as "timeless time" and a "space of flows". Castells suggests that the technological and networking revolution is a reinforcing feedback loop that produces ever-accelerating change. He was prescient in warning against the dangers of hedge funds and trading firms dealing in unregulated securities and points out that the interdependence of global unregulated financial markets puts not just financial markets at risk, but the monetary policies of entire countries and national economies (See Castells, p106) as well as global economies.

          "Globalism", is the new and revolutionary international economic system that represents a clear departure from the post-WWII era. Castells discusses various factors in his book, such as the information and technology revolution, the dominant initial influence of the United States, the free flows of capital across state boundaries, and the pervasive influence of the Internet on business and individual behavior and identity. Castells explains his theoretical approach as analyzing the interaction of two axes, the axis of technology with the axis of economics (See Castells, p14), describes several phases, beginning with microprocessor technology in the '70's, the information revolution beginning in the '80's (internet), and the global integration of finance in the '90's and beyond (See Castells, p105-105). Castells specifically mentions the possibility (albeit remote) of a global crash of financial markets, and expresses concern as to the effects on globalism of the West’s unilateralism and recklessness in world affairs (See Castells, "The Power of Identity").

          According to Castells, globalization is the result of complex interactions of many forces, including both traditional historical tends as well as economic forces and new technology, that has created a new global world order, one which will continue to exist and evolve. He recognizes the driving, greedy imperative of free-market capitalism, as well as the backlash against it. Information and access to the global network have become as important, if not more so, than traditional sources of power ("Power of flows takes precedence over the flows of power" [See Castells, p500]) and the advent of the internet as a transformative event in human society.

          Globalism is not merely an economic phenomenon, but is also transforming human society. For example, Castells believes that the conflict between "Net and Self" is a major tension inherent within globalism (See Castells, p23), and that job insecurity and other insecurity related to economic factors, like food and self-sufficiency are major drawbacks of globalism. Castells background as a sociologist allows him to focus on the dangers of globalization, particularly the loss of the “true self” in the face of the Internet. The tension between Net and Self are instrumental in changing people's individual and group identity. Castells believes that a sense of identity (or identities) is a fundamental aspect of human existence. In a networked world undergoing an information revolution (See Castells, p22), people may have multiple, and simultaneous, individual and group identities. These societal changes amount to a qualitative change in the human experience.

          Castells is verbose and well written, but he is not completely convincing; either in the sense of explaining the nature and consequences of "globalism", or in the sense of convincing me that our brave new world is inevitably going to be either happier or morally better than our flawed old world. The present-day economic woes of the global system is an obvious factor in such skepticism toward what appears to me to be a flimsy, unequal, unstable and in many ways unfair social and economic order.

          Castells includes many caveats to his evaluations and specifically claims not to make predictions, but he does mention the possibility of a system-wide crash, but offers a similarly optimistic overall view, including many of the same bromides used by proponents of globalism like Thomas Friedman (e.g., that the solution to the problem of unceasing competition and no job security is more training and more education). However, it would be interesting if Castells were to collaborate with an expert in edge theory and networking mathematics. The question of a crisis of identity stemming from the information revolution raised by Castells offers a fascinating non-economic consideration in considering the everyday effects of globalization.

 

Sources:

Castells, Manuel. (2010). "The Rise of the Network Society 2nd Edition." Singapore: Blackwell Publishing. 

Castells, Manuel. (2004). “The Power of Identity.” Singapore: Blackwell Publishing.

ALTERNATIVES TO MILITARY RESPONSE IN COMBATING VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN NIGERIA

Source: Rand Report 2008

 According to a Rand report that made systematic examination and comparison of 268 groups using terror tactics from 1968 to 2006, several approaches have shown to be much more effective than reliance on military responses alone at eliminating future attacks.  This approach includes criminal justice responses and other attempts to address the well-being concerns of both combatants and the broader populace that might support them. 

The study revealed that 40 percent of the 268 groups were eliminated through intelligence and policing methods; 43 percent ended their violence as a result of peaceful political accommodation; 10 percent ceased their violent activity because they had achieved their objectives (“victory”) by violence; and only 7 percent were defeated militarily.

Military responses have often created more extensive violent response and terrorism against the civilian population caught between two opposing forces. Civilian deaths also become incentives for terror group recruitment and revenge attacks.  The wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan have instead served as an effective recruiting device for new terrorists.  In addition, wars often create the conditions for additional violent conflicts over the new resources and new political alignments created by an initial invasion or occupation.  The civil wars and criminal violence that erupted in both Iraq and Afghanistan are examples of this phenomenon.

According to Matthew Evangelista[1], “States and societies have faced the threat of terrorism for centuries, but only sometimes have they resorted to war to deal with it”. In order war words,war should not always be the first option, even among the armed conflicts that states declare “wars against terrorism,” many are something quite different: wars against secessionist, anti-colonial, or insurgent forces opposing a military occupation. The tactics employed by such forces may include terrorism, sometimes provoked by the military actions and war crimes of their state adversaries. But the tactics are part of a broader strategy that includes combat among armed fighters on each side. Such wars should be considered distinct from the random murder of innocent civilians that constitutes the most common definition of terrorism as a form of politically motivated violence. If states have a choice to address terrorist threats without resorting to war, they are likely to be more successful, because they avoid the backlash that can breed further terrorism.

In the Nigerian case of combating extremism, military necessity cannot be underestimated to quell terrorism, given the escalating incidence of terror attacks in the country. However, over-reliance on the use of force on the government’s path appears to be a shortcut to sustainable peace and security in the region. General Carter Ham, Commander of the United States African Command (AFRICOM), has cautioned African governments not to rely solely on the use of excessive military force to fight the war against terror in Africa. He said that “though there is perhaps some necessity for some military action, the solution lies in the non-military solution and activities that would address the underline causes of the dissatisfactions which include good governance” (Guardian Newspaper, February 01 2013). 

Ultimately, the continuous use of military force seems preferable in dousing the tension of extremism in Nigeria, but protracted military effort is not going to eradicate the long-term problem as this is capable of leading the Nigeria to yet another civil war. Violent extremism and insurgents thrive in an environment charged with hopelessness and Nigerian government must begin to be more responsive to the socio-economic well-being of the people, and further engage systematic means of mediating disputes without recourse to the protracted use of armed insurrection

WORKS CITED

Evangelista M. (2011). ‘Coping with 9/11: Alternatives to the War Paradigm’. Retrieved from: http://costsofwar.org/sites/default/files/articles/47/attachments/Evangelista%20Coping%20with%209-11.pdf’

Rand Report (2008). ‘How terrorist groups end’ Retrieved from: http://www.rand.org/conte nt/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2008/RAND_MG741-1.pdf

Onuorah, M. (2013, February 1). US General Cautions African Government Against Over Reliance on

Military For War Against Terror. Guardian. Retrieved from http://ngrguardiannews.com

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[1]Matthew Evangelista is a Professor of History and Political Science in the Department of Government at Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA